In the beginning
When the National Assembly passed
a
budget totaling N4.987trn for expenditure in 2013, as early as December
20, 2012, many Nigerians heaved a sigh of relief.
This was predicated on what turned out to
be an erroneous belief that the legislature and the executive arms of
government have, in the interest of the ordinary Nigerians, decided to
bury their persistent political differences.
Thus, 2013 arguably began on a sour note; as both arms of government squabbled over the figures contained in the document.
This led to a decision by the President
Goodluck Jonathan-led administration, to return the document to the
National Assembly in the form of an amendment bill.
It took six months for the dispute to be resolved. The 2013 budget amendment bill was eventually passed on July 25, 2013. Sadly, while the budget row was simmering, internal rumblings within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party was gathering steam.
The struggle for the control of the party
machinery between the President and the governors elected on its
platform spilled into the Nigerian Governors Forum. Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, as
the NGF chairman, had the daunting task of leading his colleagues in
the pursuit of the forum’s economic interests, regardless of the fact
that he belongs to the same political party with the President.
However, his style of administration pitted him against the Presidency and the PDP’s hierarchy.
A case in point was his presentation of the NGF’s communiqué of January 28, 2013.
After rejecting further adjournments in a
suit challenging deductions from state allocations from the Federation
Account, the NGF decided to take its fate in its hands.
While presenting the NGF communiqué after
the year’s inaugural meeting, Amaechi said, “We, the governors of the
36 states of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at our first meeting of the
year held today, Monday, January 28, 2013, at the Rivers State
Governor’s Lodge, Abuja, deliberated over a number of issues and
resolved as follows:
“Forum decries the present attitude of
the Federal Government on the Excess Crude Account and resolved to take
no further adjournments in the subsisting case in court but seek a final
resolution of the matter from the Supreme Court.”
Formation of the PDPGF
Jolted by the “militant” tone of the
communiqué and the suspicion that Amaechi, a PDP governor, was not
willing to do the party’s bidding, the President’s handlers decided it
was time to tame him, and by extension, recalcitrant PDP governors.
This, among other things, led to the
formation of the Goodswill Akpabio-led PDP governors’ Forum. The
decision to do this was taken after a hastily convened meeting within
the confines of the Presidential Villa.
According to Akpabio, Akwa Ibom State governor, the PDPGF was formed to stop the NGF from being turned into a trade union.
He said, “We will not allow minorities to
impose their ideas on us the majority. We will not allow NGF to be seen
as a trade union to fight government.
“We cannot be fighting the Federal
Government. We are part of the Federal Government. Our job is to work
with the Federal Government to initiate best policies for the interest
of Nigerians.”
This set the stage for other events to
follow. A scheduled election of the NGF was postponed as a result of the
insistence of some of the President’s handlers that Amaechi drop his
bid to seek another term as chairman.
2015 and the single term controversy
An interview granted by the Chairman,
Northern Governors Forum, Babangida Aliyu, to a Kaduna-based radio
station, gave a face and a voice to innuendoes and the real reason for
the bitter internal wrangling among leading figures in the PDP.
Aliyu had in the interview, declared that President Jonathan signed a single term pact with Northern governors.
He claimed that the President agreed to
serve for a single term of four years. If such a pact exists and is
honoured, it rules out President Jonathan from contesting the 2015
Presidential election.
Jonathan and his team have since denied
the charge and have challenged anyone who has any documentary evidence
to the contrary to make it public.
His Special Adviser on Political Matters,
Alhaji Ahmed Gulak, and a former Federal Commissioner for Information,
Chief Edwin Clark, have insisted that no one can deny President Jonathan
his constitutionally guaranteed right to seek for a second term if he
decides to do so.
Opposition parties begin merger talks
By late February up till early March, the
much talked about merger of hitherto distinct opposition parties
namely: the Action Congress of Nigeria, the All Nigeria Peoples Party
and the Congress for Progressive Change and a faction of the All
Progressives Grand Alliance, began to make headlines.
Leading opposition figures such as
Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau
and several others began to work out modalities to adopting a single
identity to challenge the ruling PDP.
Governors visit Borno State
Governors elected on the platform of the
defunct Action Congress of Nigeria, paid a solidarity visit to their
Borno State counterpart Ibrahim Shettima, who at the time was a member
of the All Nigeria Peoples Party.
The visit, which earned the then leading
opposition political party some political points, elicited a response
from the Presidency as it accused the opposition of seeking to score
cheap political points. This however spurred the President into
paying his first official visit to the troubled state since the Boko
Haram insurgency began.
Jonathan sets up 26-member amnesty committee for Boko Haram
In response to calls from many quarters
for a peaceful resolution of the Boko Haram insurgency, the President
set up a 26-member committee headed by the Minister for Special Duties,
Tanimu Turaki, on April 17, to initiate dialogue with members of the
sect with a view to working out modalities for granting the insurgents
amnesty. The committee has since submitted its report, but little if
anything, has been heard about its work ever since.
When 16 became more than 19
In the midst of these claims and
counter-claims, the NGF for the first time in its history, jettisoned
the consensus arrangement used for selecting occupants of the position
of chairman. It held an election in May.
Amaechi, who has had a running battle
with President Jonathan, defied a party “directive” not to contest the
NGF chairmanship. He contested for the post and beat the PDP preferred
candidate, Jonah Jang, with 19 votes to 16.
Both men have since being laying claim to
being duly elected. Two factions of the NGF now exist. A faction led by
Plateau State governor, Jonah Jang enjoys the support of the Presidency
and the ruling PDP, while the Amaechi-led faction enjoys the backing of
aggrieved PDP governors and their colleagues in opposition political
parties. Amaechi was suspended from the PDP for allegedly refusing to
rescind a decision by the Rivers State House of Assembly, to suspend the
Chairman and Council of Obi-Akpor Local Government Council.
Declaration of a state of emergency in the North-East
Also in May, following reports of
increased terrorist attacks by the extremist Islamist group Boko Haram,
especially in states in the North- East, the President declared a state
of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States. He announced that the
action became necessary because the group’s activities have become a
challenge to the sovereignty of the Nigerian state. Opposition political
parties then led by the now defunct Action Congress of Nigeria,
condemned the president’s action. They insisted on the continuation of
dialogue as a way out of the insurgency.
Political crisis in Rivers State
The political crisis in Rivers State
which began with the suspension of the Obi-Akpor Local Government
Council and the retaliatory sack of the Amaechi backed Godspower Ake-led
Executive of the Rivers State Chapter of the PDP; the battle for the
soul of the state took a turn for the worse on July 7th.
Members of the Rivers state House of
Assembly resumed from a two month long forced vacation only to engage
one another in a violent confrontation. Pro- Governor Rotimi Amaechi legislators
battled five of their renegade colleagues said to be doing the bidding
of the governor’s political opponents. The minority lawmakers moved to impeach
the Speaker of the House, Otelemaba Amachree and other principal
officers. In the fight that ensued, several lawmakers sustained various
degrees of injuries.
However, the attack by the Majority Leader, Mr. Chidi Lloyd on another lawmaker using the mace vent viral on the internet. The crisis led to a takeover of the
legislative functions of the House by the National Assembly. The federal
lawmakers were still contemplating how to carry out this function, when
a Federal High Court declared the take over as illegal.
APC becomes a political party
Following the approval of an application
for merger by three opposition political parties, the Independent
National Electoral Commission granted their request and made it public
on July 31, 2013. This brought to end speculations that the Commission
was not favourably disposed to granting the request. There is however a
pending litigation over the APC acronym. A political association which
goes by the appellation African Peoples Congress is laying claim to the
acronym.
PDP special convention and matters arising
The ruling PDP held its Special
Convention on August 31. However, the event which was meant to unite
members of the party did the exact opposite.
A former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar
and six of the party’s seven aggrieved governors namely: Murtala Nyako
(Adamawa); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and
Babangida Aliyu (Niger). Others are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto) and Sule
Lamido (Jigawa) walked out of Eagle Square, venue of the convention in
protest. No sooner had they left than they converged on the Yar’Adua
Centre, to announce the formation of the now defunct New PDP.
Several attempts by elders of the PDP to
intervene in the crisis did not yield the desired results. Five of the
seven governors went round the country visiting past Nigerian leaders to
consult on the way forward.
The November 16 Anambra elections
The Prof. Attahiru Jega-led electoral
management body-INEC could not deliver on its promise to make the
Anambra State governorship election a model for future elections. Age long challenges most of which INEC claimed it had overcome, became common place.
Some of these challenges include cases of
eligible voters having voter cards but not being able to vote because
their names were not on the register, the late arrival or non-arrival of
electoral materials and in some cases, electoral officers.
Other identified challenges included INEC
ad hoc staff going on strike over the non-payment of statutory
allowances and voter apathy. A coalition of several election
monitoring civil society groups under the aegis of the Nigeria Civil
Society Election Situation Room, chided the election management body –
INEC – for what it termed “shoddy logistics arrangements.”
The case of Idemili North Local
Government Area was instructive. Elections did not hold in about 65
polling units across the area. In its final report on the election, the
Election Situation Room said INEC had repeated too many common mistakes
that the expectation of Anambra election serving as a litmus test for
2015 general election had not been fully realised.
It said, “It is our overall impression
that the conduct of the elections leaves a lot to be desired and
reflected the lack of competence on the part of INEC in the conduct of
elections.”
The group also said, “The several
failings of past elections identified in previous observer reports seem
to have repeated themselves…”
The conduct of the supplementary
elections did not assuage public anger- as most of the candidate
boycotted the elections after INEC rejected calls by the opposition for
outright cancellation.
Defections, “body language” of corruption and a season of letters
The month of November introduced a new
set of challenges to the ruling party. Five of its seven aggrieved
governors formally announced their defection from the PDP into the
opposition APC.
This was quickly followed by the defection of 37 members of the House of Representatives, thus compounding the party’s woes.
The month of December just like January,
also began on a sad note for the ruling party. The Speaker of the House
of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, accused President Jonathan of
encouraging and promoting corruption through several of his actions and
inactions.
The nation’s number four citizen
expressed frustration over the President’s refusal to act on
recommendations made after the probe of several government agencies and
officials who were accused of dizzying degrees of malfeasance.
He listed some of the cases to include
the pension fund scandal, the Securities and Exchange Commission probe,
and the bulletproof car purchase scandal among others.
Tambuwal also alleged that the
President’s body language gave an impression that he was not bothered
about the growing level of corruption within his administration
especially as it affects his cabinet ministers.
Presidential Spokesperson, Dr. Rueben
Abati, spoke out in defence of his principal by asking when the Speaker
became clairvoyant to know the inner disposition of an individual.
The damage done by this allegation had
yet to wane when a letter written by the Central Bank Governor, Sanusi
Lamido, to the President, was leaked. In the letter, Sanusi alleged that the
Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation could not account for $49.8bn
revenue from oil sales. Although he later reviewed the amount downwards,
the damage done to the administration’s reputation remains
incalculable.
Barely a week later, another letter
surfaced. This time, it was one entitled “Before it is too late” written
by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. It was an open letter addressed
to President Jonathan. Obasanjo, in his letter, accused Jonathan, of among other things; incompetence, deceit, dishonesty and clannishness. The ex-President also alleged that 1,000
politicians have been put on a watch list while snipers were being
trained perhaps, to take down the administration’s perceived enemies.
He also accused the President of
attempting to renege on a single term agreement he entered into with the
North. Obasanjo was not done; he further accused the President of
undermining his party in pursuit of his personal interest citing the
2011 National Assembly elections as well as elections in Edo, Ekiti and
Ondo states as examples.
Before President Jonathan could respond,
Obasanjo’s eldest daughter- Iyabo, wrote a scathing letter to her
father. In it, she accused the ex-President of having an insatiable
thirst for power.
She also called him a selfish bully and liar, reminding him of the fact that he does not own Nigeria.
While Nigerians were still chewing on the
contents of both letters, President Jonathan offered a public response
to Obasanjo letter.
Jonathan, in his reply accused Obasanjo
of falsehood. He challenged his predecessor to produce proof of all the
allegations contained in his letter.
The President also said he was doing his
best to curb corruption. He also reminded Obasanjo, that he did not fare
any better in the war against corruption, even though he enjoyed the
rare privilege of ruling the nation three times first as military ruler
and twice as elected president.
He also accused his predecessor of
instigating ethnic hatred as well as the PDP crisis all in a bid to
install his anointed candidate as President in 2015.
Impeachment calls
Emboldened by all these happenings, the
opposition All Progressives Congress, urged the National Assembly to
impeach the President. The call shocked many Nigerians who felt the
party was taking a political joke too far. Supporters of the call saw
nothing wrong with it, while opponents said it was paving the way for an
undemocratic takeover of government.
Perhaps, the most cheery news for most
Nigerians especially parents and students, is the end of an over five
month old strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities which drew
the curtain on the turbulent political year 2013.
Copyright PUNCH.
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